Early Articles

Early Articles by Cheddi Jagan

ELECTION VICTORY SPEECH BY DR. CHEDDI JAGAN, BROADCAST ON RADIO ON 14 AUGUST 1957,

(AFTER THE PPP WON THE ELECTIONS HELD TWO DAYS BEFORE)

The elections are over. The heat of the battle has subsided and tempers are cooling down. This is as it should be.

Now a great task faces us. We are prepared to assume the responsibilities of forming the government. We do so knowing fully well the difficulties confronting us. The legacy of backwardness we have inherited, the limited constitutional framework under which we have to work, and the many opponents and critics whose only aim is our destruction.

In spite of these difficulties I have every confidence that Guiana will move ahead. But I want to make it clear that this cannot be achieved by one party or one faction alone. Now is the time for national unity.

I appeal to all sections of the Guianese people, Party and non-party, those who voted for us and those who opposed us, to rally around us in our country’s hour of need. Let us cast off lethargy; let us put aside inertia. Our future is at stake. Much would depend on how unitedly we are able to pull through this difficult period.

Let us prove to the world that we can do it.

© Nadira Jagan-Brancier 2000

Radio Broadcast by Minister of Trade and Industry, Hon. Dr. Cheddi Jagan on September 3, 1960

            Minister of Trade and Industry, Hon. Dr. Cheddi Jagan, fresh from his fruitful trip to London, New York, Cuba and Venezuela, explained the results of his mission in a radio broadcast last Saturday night [3 September]. The text of the Majority Party 1eader's speech follows: (Thunder, 10 September 1960)

Fellow Guianese, Ladies and Gentlemen:

            I am glad to be back from what I regard as one of my most fruitful trips abroad. I would like to take this opportunity to let you know about some of the discussions which I have had and the results of these talks.

            First, you would no doubt like to hear about electricity. Well, at last we have got this problem licked. Agreement was reached in London, as you have already heard, for the takeover of the Demerara Electric Company's undertaking.

            In addition, we have also settled the question of purchasing additional plant to take care of our expanded needs for the next five to six years. We have bought diesel equipment as an emergency measure. Every effort will be made, we have been assured, to get these into the country by Christmas. The large steam plants are expected about two years from now. But, we were told by the manufacturers that they would try to get them a bit earlier, sometime between eighteen months to two years.

Package Deal

             The whole deal, that is the takeover of the Demerara Electric Company and additional equipment including new and improved distribution lines, is likely to cost about $18 million. Now, you will remember sometime age I referred to package deal arrangements. Well, this one is certainly a package. The Demerara Electric Company is being taken over on credit terms to be paid over a period of five years.

Barclays Development Corporation will advance a sum of a little over $1 million to make a dawn payment for the takeover of the Demerara Electric Company. A consortium made up of Associated Electrical Industries, Taylor Woodrow and International Combustion Company will provide the additional equipment and do the construction and civil engineering works. And Barclays Bank DC&O generously agreed to lend us a sum of $5 million to help pay for part of the whole deal.

Confidence

We are heartened by the confidence which this bank which has been so long with us and is in an excellent position to judge, has shown in this Government.

It is expected that the public corporation to be formed to run the new undertaking will be able to pay for the whole project out of profits within ten years; that is, for the takeover and for the additional plant and equipment which will be required. . . .

Business Lines

You may also wish to know that it was agreed that the new Corporation to be formed will be run on strictly sound business lines without any political interference. It was also agreed while the loan remains unpaid that the International Power Company in Canada, the owners of the Demerara Electric Company, and the Consortium will be permitted to nominate directors to the directorate of the Company.

In addition, the Manager will be appointed to the Corporation with the concurrence of the parent Canadian Company. The Manager will be entitled to seek advice from time to time from the Montreal Engineering Company who are the technical consultants in Canada to the Demerara Electric Company.

I am sure that you are very glad that we have finally settled this problem which has been plaguing us for some time. Now that the takeover of the Demerara Electric Company has been completed we will move on to the development of rural electrification. In addition, all over the city will enjoy much cheaper power which will be a real stimulus to industrialisation. . . .

Sugar Quota for Small Farmers

While in London, I took up with Sir Jock Campbell the question of cane farming. I pointed out to him that in the West Indies a large part of the total sugar production, in some cases as high as 40 to 50 percent, came from cane farmers. I asked him to see if it was possible that as a beginning at least 10 percent of total production, instead of the present figure of about 2 percent, be allocated to our farmers. He has promised to look into this matter.

United Nations

From London Mr. D'Andrade and I travelled together to New York. He proceeded to Washington to iron out certain details with respect to our application for a loan from the World Bank and to take the opportunity to have talks also with US Government officials. I stayed on in New York and had discussions at the United Nations Headquarters with representatives of United Nations Technical Assistance Administration. The discussions covered a wide range of subjects.

Hydro-Electricity

A hydro-electric expert is to come out shortly. He will do a preliminary survey, evaluate what has been done thus far and make recommendations as to what should be done in the future. You are also aware that we have now become an associate member of the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America or ECLA, as it is called. They are being requested to put on their time table a visit to British Guiana of their water resources and pulp and paper teams.

We are also seeking experts to help us to revise our mining laws and to give us guidance in the framing of up-to-date petroleum mining legislation.

            We are also seeking assistance for the establishment of a Central Ban k for British Guiana. An attempt will be made to see whether some one can be sent out to look into this question.

Personnel

Our discussion also covered the question of the shortage of adequately trained personnel. Agreement was reached to help us to fill this gap. It is likely that someone in the Administration Division of the United Nations Technical Assistance Administration will be visiting here to have preliminary talks and that we may shortly thereafter get a team to embark on a course of training in administration for our civil servants.

I must say that from my talks at United Nations Headquarters I gathered the definite impression that the United Nations is willing to go out of its way to give us assistance. In fact, many of the items I took up would normally have to go in for the next year's programme but efforts are being made to see if they can be financed as an emergency measure from the Special Contingency Fund.

As a result of our efforts we can say that we have done thus far very well with the United Nations. As you know, we have already got nearly $1 million from the UN Special Fund for siltation study and a soil survey study.

Cuba Visit

From New York I went to Cuba. I did not plan going there, but since it was enroute to Venezuela which I had intended to visit, I decided to stop in. I wanted to find out what was being done about the timber proposition and whether it was possible to find an immediate market for our surplus rice. It was good that I went.

You will remember that a few months ago three representatives came down here to make a timber survey. Cuba's imports of timber at the moment amount to about $23 million per year. You will recall that I mentioned sometime ago that we will be prepared to consider sympathetically, firstly the granting of a lease to the Cubans on the same terms and conditions as we grant leases to others, or secondly, to form a joint company with the Cubans.

The Cuban Government, however, does not want to take advantage of either of these two proposals. They said quite frankly to me that these proposals smacked of imperialism. They did not want in any way to exploit our manpower or material resources. They were prepared to help as far am they could. They offered to make available over the next two years a loan to the equivalent of about $8.5 million. This loan will be repayable over ten years after the project gets underway. The rate of interest will be 2 percent and payment will be made in timber products. Technical assistance will be provided if we require it, to help us to work out the details of such a project.

They have also agreed to finance the external costs of the first stage hydro electric project at

Tiger Bill which is estimated to cost about $30 million.

These two projects are going to be the beginning of the realisation of some of our dreams. As regards the future development of British Guiana I have two dreams ¾ one based on timber and the other on bauxite as raw materials. I have in mind two giant industrial complexes.

Giant Complexes

The first would be based on wood which covers so much of our territory and which at the moment is lying idle and in many instances has to be got rid of by burning. Such an industrial complex based on wood can produce not only sawn lumber but also pulp, paper, cellulose, charcoal

and many other chemicals which, as by-products, can be utilised as raw materials for other industries. I have seen such an industrial complex in Germany. It is only left for us now to get technical experts to work out in great detail such a project.

The other industrial complex which I have in mind is the one which will permit of, after the installation of hydro-electricity, the smelting of our bauxite into aluminium and the setting up of a whole series of ancillary industries which will utilise pig aluminium as a raw material. By ancillary industries I mean pre-fabricated buildings, roofs, pots and pans, motor car blocks and bodies and the whole range of other articles which are fabricated from aluminium.

The Cuban deal points the way for payment to be made not in hard cash but by the sale of our own products.

The Cubans have also promised to give us technical assistance in other fields. I am thinking particularly of light cigarette tobacco which it is felt can be produced here. With such technical and financial help, we are now on the threshold of real industrial development of our country.

Surplus Rice

By the way, the Cubans have also agreed to purchase any surplus rice which we may have. They have been purchasing rice from the US at a price higher than we now get from the West ladies. They are prepared to open their markets for our rice and to give us the advantage of a reasonable price.

You may wish to know that during my stay in Cuba I had the pleasure of meeting Dr. Nicholson, the Acting Director of Medical Services, who was attending a medical conference in Havana

Venezuelan Mission

In Venezuela I had discussions with Government official on several questions about economic cooperation generally between our two countries, about a visit of a combined economic, technical and commercial mission to British Guiana, about the three fishing boats recently seized, and about the sale of paddy.

The visit of the mission is likely to take place soon and it is hoped it will come off at about the same time as History and Culture Week.

I raised the issue in the Ministry of External Relations about the fishing boats seized in Venezuelan waters. Unfortunately, it was not possible for me to see the Minister of Interior because

of the political crisis which developed during the last day of my visit there. However, I am told that there is every hope that the boats will be released.

I have also had discussions to see if it will be possible to permit of certain courtesies to be extended by both Governments. In such a case fishing boats which find themselves in difficulties will not be held up so long as they are not engaged in any contraband activities.

About the possible sale of paddy to Venezuela, the Venezuelan authorities are anxious to have trade relationship developed with British Guiana. But, at the present time, they are not in need of paddy. They informed me that they will be in a position by February to say precisely what are their needs with respect t the importing paddy from outside sources.

Rice Contract

In Trinidad, I had discussions with Dr. Carl La Corbiniere, Minister of Trade and Industry, on matters relating to industrial development and incentive legislation for the area. I took up the question also of an early meeting for the Rice Conference which is to decide two questions, firstly, the prices to be paid next year, and secondly, the extension of the contract. As you are no doubt aware, the contract comes to an end in December 1962 but provision is made for a review every year to see if it should be extended.

I have returned home feeling a definite sense of satisfaction ¾ satisfaction that people, even in difficult positions as the Cubans, are willing to help. I feel a sense of exhilaration that we are now beginning to get all the loose ends together from which we can move ahead

Thrilled

In Cuba I felt thrilled and excited at the generous offer. But what do I find on my return? The same criticisms and misrepresentations amounting to direct lying, not easing up in any way, but actually becoming more intense. . . .

Before I arrived in London, very influential journals such as the Financial Times and the Observer carried statements, which were forwarded by local correspondents, that we were taking over the Demerara Bauxite Company. The gloom with which the local press greeted the announcement of the success of the electricity talks leads one to suppose that the local press would have preferred the talks to fail.

I am aware that the press is violently opposed to the Majority Party which I have the honour of leading. Considering the interest which the press represent, I do not see anything wrong with this. But what I consider wrong is the harm which the press is doing the country as a whole. By all means attack us but do not frustrate the national aspiration of the Guianese people.

So long as we are in the Government I ask that an objective rather than an emotional evaluation be made of all the things which we are pursuing and which we contemplate to do in the future.

Let us rid ourselves of emotional thinking. Let us look at the economic realities which today face not only our country but underdeveloped territories all over the world. Let us unitedly face these realities objectively and rationally. . . .

© Nadira Jagan-Brancier 2000

Statement by Premier on June 1, 1963

I am sure that all decent citizens have been profoundly shocked by the events of Thursday night. People irrespective of their political or religious beliefs are universally agreed that the burial of the dead is a time for reverence and respect. One can therefore only regard with horror the display by a large group of people Thursday afternoon, who made the occasion of the funeral of the Minister of Home Affairs into a riotous demonstration. Worse than that these same people organized themselves in roving gangs after the funeral and used violence on persons who had only gone to the funeral to pay their last respects to a friend or colleague. It did not stop there.

Eventually, there was a riot through the surrounding streets and areas in which some fifty persons mostly of a particular race were injured. Several of them were severely injured. Last night I visited some of these at the Georgetown Public Hospital and was able to see the tremendous suffering which has been inflicted on innocent people. They were severely attacked while going about their normal business. Because they belonged to a particular racial group, they were singled for attack. In a few cases where members of other races, horrified by what was happening, intervened to help, they were also subjected to violence. A report by the Commissioner of Police to me states in part the following:

"In all 50 civilians were injured 42 of them being East Indians, 6 Africans and 2 Portuguese. 20 of these detained in hospital, 3 of them being considered as seriously hurt. 3 Policemen were injured none of them seriously.

28 Persons were arrested by the Police for varying offences.

3 cars were damaged and 1 shop was broken into. There were 20 reports of larceny from the person but most of these involved the injured persons mentioned in the preceding paragraph.

Many shops owned by East Indians businessmen were stoned and windows broken. There were no reports of actual looting."

Following this report, more information has come to me indicating an even more alarming picture which shows that persons were not only attacked in the streets but also in their homes.

These events are the result of the prolonged incitement of people by political and trade union leaders and by sections of the Press. For example, I am appalled to find that the Press yesterday failed to condemn the horrible events. One paper even went further and attempted to set people against the Police. Let me assure you that such acts will be met with all the necessary force required to maintain law and order. I want to issue a clear warning to the Press that any further attempts at incitement will be met with immediate steps for cessation of publication.

These outbreaks of violence are beginning to be too regular a feature of our society. It is a cancerous growth which if not removed surgically, will spread throughout the country. We have therefore decided, in the light of these events to take as a first step, the following action.

The Greater Georgetown area has been proclaimed and all processions and public meetings of more than five persons are prohibited unless authorized in writing by the Commissioner of Police.

I am aware that there are a number of persons who regard these outbreaks of violence with pleasure because they are directed against this Government and their supporters. To these persons, I say, take heed. Violence like fire is no respecter of persons, and once it takes root in society, all will suffer irrespective of their race or religious or political persuasion. And those who have the most to lose will lose most.

There can be no doubt that the General Strike called by the T.U.C is creating a situation which will inevitably lead to increasing disorder. It will no longer do for leaders to go on making statements about peaceful intentions and "week of Sundays", while at the same time the participants are clearly defying law and order. Several trade union and political leaders have made statements which can only inflame and incite. Thus one prominent trade unionist has recently made statements of a racial character which are calculated to increase tension and to predispose people to violence such as happened on Thursday. Another leading trade unionist under the guise of "Passive resistance" is openly advocating with the support of a section of the press, courses of action which is leading to violence. Similarly in a recent T.U.C broadcast a leading political figure explained the lines along which people might with impunity break the Emergency Order. And yesterday the President of the T.U.C gave a biased account of the arrangement for the distribution of food which is calculated to arouse bitterness and hatred in sections of the community.

When the talks with the T.U.C broke down on May 7, there was three main points of difference. As we were still anxious to reach agreement, the Government proposed a working party consisting of representatives of the T.U.C and C.A.G.I with the Commissioner of Labour representing Government as Chairman, which should explore the possibilities of finding a way out of the deadlock on the Labour Relations Bill. These three points were the composition of the Board, the method of application to the Board of a Union seeking recognition and the basis for the certification of a Union. After some nine meetings, the working party forwarded to me a letter dated May 23 in which certain recommendations were made and on the basis of which it was felt full discussions could be resumed.

I accordingly met representatives of the T.U.C and C.A.G.I on Friday, May 24 and again on Monday and Wednesday of this week. After full and fresh discussions, agreement was reached on the three main points. I had hoped that with agreement reached on these three major points, and in view of Government’s assurances not to proceed with the Bill until the talks have concluded the strike would have been called off. But unfortunately I was told that discussions must continue on minor points and on terms of resumption. Government is prepared to discuss these minor points preferably to start with the tripartite Working party. The Government is also prepared to discuss resumption of work terms in respect of those unions in which it is in a position of Employer. We are now waiting to hear from the T.U.C.

There should be no great difficulty in arriving at resumption of work terms. The T.U.C has repeatedly declared that this is an industrial strike. The principles for resumption of work in the case of industrial strikes are well established and there should be no great difficulty in applying them to our own situation.

There is no doubt that the general strike is endangering public safety and order and creating conditions in which tempers run higher each day and there is increasing bitterness of feeling between groups. The shameful events which occurred on Thursday is a blot on the good name of this country and the sooner the general strike is called off, the better. I appeal to all decent-minded citizens to join me in openly expressing their abhorrence of what is taking place in our once peaceful country.

© Nadira Jagan-Brancier 2000

Death to Imperialism

Dr. Jagan wrote this poem "Death to Imperialism" in 1954, while in prison. This is the only poem he ever wrote. Read Biography - Iron Rule and Treachery - to find out more about this period of his life.

Today we strive to end our humanity's pains,
To extract your oppression's painful tooth,
To cut your vicious circle of our lives,
No work, no land, crime, punishment, crime –
But you tread with savage fascist steps,
With quislings and hired mercenaries
Willing and unwilling slaves and sharers of your loot,
You keep your bayonets at our throats and shout,
Law and Order must prevail,
Don't read that!
Don't do that!
Don't go there!
Our beautiful country a vast prison you have made
And fences built to wrench us from our beloved -
Our homes
Our children
Our Comrades -
You beat us on our heads in the name of peace.
While in cleric robes you call for peace.
For you, peace is our grave and life hereafter
For us peace is joy and life and laughter
For this we march tomorrow
We march to extract your oppression’s painful tooth
To end our humanity's pains.

© 1998 Nadira Jagan-Brancier

The Right To Vote

By C. B. Jagan B.Sc. D. D. S.

Printed in The Labour Advocate, Georgetown. B G. Sunday August 6, 1944

Today, in the midst of a great struggle, man longingly looks forward to a tomorrow,- to a new order of things when, men will not be partly free and partly fettered.

He is looking forward for what an idealistic American calls " The Century of the Common Man, " He does not envisage the " New Order " of the totalitarians where bullets are substituted for ballots. His " New Order" will be a true democracy - a process whereby he will be able to effectuate a peaceful transfer of power from one group to another representing different goals and objectives. This process implies that the minority of today has a chance to become the majority of tomorrow. Democracy may be said to be most fully realised when the largest possible number of persons share directly or indirectly in the determination of public policy. True democracy depends upon a broader universal suffrage.

YESTERDAY AND-TODAY

Voting is a device used from very early times in the early Roman and Greek City states, the right to vote was regarded as attitude to citizenship. During the Middle Ages, however, property qualification began to appear. Voting came to be considered a privilege associated with the individual's status in society and more, particularly, ownership if, property. This situation continued in English history from the Norman Conquest in 1006 down to the first Reform Bill of 1832. In British Guiana, this situation continues to the present day. To qualify as, a voter, an adult, of 21 years, besides being sane and able to read and write in some language, has to satisfy at least one property qualification, This takes the form of either landed property, land tenure, - rent or income. It can safely be said that a large percentage of our population, especially in the country districts. although literate, cannot meet this property qualification, and consequently are disqualified from voting. Are we still living in the Middle Ages? We hear the familiar cry of conservatives " we are not " yet ready How can the people be ready when their economic status is so low - when they cannot muster an income of $300 per year ? How many married couples in rural districts receive an annual income of $600 enabling both to vote?

WEALTH IS NO PROOF OF MORAL CHARACTER

Our leaders remind us of the U. S. Poll Tax. Let it be remembered that this tax ,exists only in a few Southern States and even now there is an anti poll Tax Bill in the U. S. Congressional Committee The poll tax is a $200 tax attempting to disfranchise the low income African population. Most enlightened Americans decry this obnoxious tax. Let us not look to the progress of our country by thinking backwards of reactionary measures such as these, but look forward to new progressive ideas.

With the ushering in of the democratic forms of government, property qualifications begun to disappear. As one of the early American, democratic thinkers, Thomas Paine, once said , "' Wealth is no proof of moral character. nor poverty the want of it. On the contrary wealth is often the presumptive evidence of dishonesty." All men came to be regarded as being free and equal and possessing certain natural rights, among which was the right to vote. The French Declaration of the Rights of Man stated," The law is the expression of the general will. All citizens have the right of concurring personally or by representation in its formation."

ILLITERACY ON THE SUGAR PLANTATIONS

We are all familiar with the background of the labouring people of this country. The Indians and Africans came here as cheap labour to produce sugar. Their wages are the minimum - barely possible for existence. They spent their days working to earn enough to live. There was little time or opportunity for education. Their children were forced, because of the low wages, to follow the same pattern. One can still see the vestiges of child labour in the Creole gangs of the sugar estates. The economic situation did not change. The money of the colony is still in the hands of the same people. The condition of the labourers, particularly on the sugar plantations, has improved but little since the first indentured workers arrived in the colony. What chance had they to become literate? It is only the present generation that is becoming literate, but how many of them in their present economic status can meet the property qualification necessary for voting ?

HOW DOES THE COMMON MAN STAND ?

The common man is today fighting on many fronts to prevent government by coercion and retain government by consent. To him the right to vote becomes a natural right. He does not regard it as a mere privilege to be granted or denied by the moneyed interests, There is no doubt that moneyed interests here are afraid to franchise the people. To them it would mean the ultimate ruination of their power. Could they maintain their power with the labouring man, the majority passing the laws ? Public policy will then no longer favour only them but will be directed with the view towards the greatest good for the greatest number. Only then a true democratic Government is likely to endure …

The rest of this paper is missing

© Nadira Jagan-Brancier 2000

Forward in Unity

Message from Guiana’s First Premier, Dr. Cheddi Jagan -
(Sunday Broadcast - August 27, 1961 - after winning the August 21, 1961 General Elections)

I speak today to thank my friends and helpers for the support and loyalty, the hard work and the courage, which has made it possible for our Party to win the General Elections.

I regard the final result as a vote of confidence in me and in my Party. While I am proud and happy to accept the mandate, which you have given, yet it places on my shoulders a heavy burden. I pray that I may find strength and courage to carry it.

For our country has many problems; and as I think of what lies ahead, what is to come, I am keenly conscious that I cannot face the task alone. It is not just my battle, it is our battle. And when I say our, I mean all Guianese so that I speak now not only to PPP supporters, but to all people here who have our country’s good at heart.

During the bitter pre-Election fight, we have seen a split on racial lines. No greater disaster could have befallen us. Little good can now be done by allocating the blame for this. What is needed is to heal the breach.

The hard fact is that incidents involving violence between peoples of different races continue to occur although the Election fight is passed. These incidents are isolated. Nevertheless, they are symptomatic.

And so my first message to you today is this. Let us all forget the bitterness of race. Let Guianese unite in the great fight for Independence and for happiness, which now lies ahead.

Never Discriminate

I give my solemn pledge that my Government will never discriminate against any person or persons on the ground of race, religion or political creed, that the essential freedoms will be preserved and we will respect the rights of all.

Our Party has always been and will always be, a multi-racial Party. Within it there is room for all. Its leaders come from every racial group. I call upon the Guianese of every race and every creed to rally now behind us.

Way Clear

Our plans are laid, our way is clear; all we need is a common purpose. Our first task is, of course, to free our country. The promise of Independence must be made a reality – not in two year’s time – or one year’s time – NOW. In this task, I ask the help of all members of the Opposition.

Here is an aim on which both my Party and the PNC are agreed. Let us lay the ground work for joint effort in the future by beginning here.

First Step

The Chinese say that even a journey of 1,000 miles starts with a single step. We must heal the wound of racial prejudice. This is a giant task, but we start with this single step – cooperation on the issue of independence now. This after all, is a task of such importance as to place it in a sphere above all Party politics.

From there, perhaps we may move on to further cooperative effort in the battle to increase our People’s wealth and happiness. Efforts which will lead us step by step until we reach thee good life of which we have all dreamt.

Patriotism

I and my Party will play our part. For the rest, we must rely on the patriotism and the good sense of those who form the Opposition, in the hope that all will help to allay the ugly threat of inter racial hatred which now hangs on the land.

Let us hope that wise counsel will prevail.

© Nadira Jagan-Brancier 2000