6. At the Symposium which
was held in Georgetown on August 2-4, 1996 and which I had the honour to chair, a number
of progressive scholars and thinkers sought to fully adumbrate the concept for propagation
and adoption by the international community. In his augural address to this gathering,
the late Dr. Jagan called for a new people-centred development strategy, increased growth
with equity and more specifically, a global development facility funded by levies on
pollution, cuts in military expenditure and a tax on speculative capital movements. (The Tobin tax).
"I am convinced," he stated, "that with coordinated
international effort, poverty and hunger can be eradicated in our lifetime. What is required is the international framework
for action." Persuaded by his passionate beliefs, the Conference agreed to a
comprehensive action plan to further the concept of a New Global Human Order within the
international community. The plan included,
as you are aware, the formation of Circles of
Friends, in those places where, Guyana has diplomatic relations and/or significant
constituencies to discuss and disseminate Dr. Jagan’s ideas with a view to enhancing
their currency. This was sustained by a
strong diplomatic campaign which sought to ensure that the concept was reflected in the
outcomes and several international conferences, including those of CARICOM, the
Commonwealth, the Non Aligned Movement and more latterly, the G77 South Summit.
8. This, of course, was
not the first time that an attempt had been made at the United Nations to create a more
just and humane international order. Ever
since its foundation in 1945, the United Nations has been labouring decade after decade to
devise an international strategy for development and decade after decade these painfully
negotiated agreements have proved resistant to implementation. One also recalls that, at the Sixth Special
Session of the General Assembly, we actually managed to forge a Declaration and a
Programme of Action for a New International Economic Order.
Again, in 1990 we succeeded in elaborating, after seemingly endless
negotiation, a Declaration on International Economic Cooperation. It is fair to say that these several documents
fully captured at least in their language the aspirations of the developing countries for
economic and social progress. Yet, as we
know, they have proved disappointing in their results.
Development continues to be defiant will
o' the wisp, forever dancing before our eyes, but always elusive.
Undaunted by these
failures, the United Nations has pursued other initiatives in the hope of better outcomes. Over the decade of the nineties, the international
community entered into a round of global summit conferences on most of the issues of major
concern viz. Children (1990) the Environment
and Development (1992), Human Rights (1993), the Sustainable Development of Small States
(1994), Population and Development (1994), Social Development (1995), Women (1995), Human
settlements and Food. The United Nations also
managed to put together, after much perseverance, a comprehensive and cogent Agenda for
Development, to accompany the Agenda for Peace. Regrettably,
these many efforts have failed to yield the desired results, leaving us to wonder, as the
French would say, 'whether the game was worth the candle' or whether we are engaged in a
mere charade. And now, we are about to embark
upon the elaboration of yet another development strategy for the first decade of the new
century and on the implementation for the Declaration of the Millenium Summit.
9.
One may very well wonder what can be achieved
and indeed whether the NGHO can be really attained since the reviews of the outcomes of
some of these major conferences and all our experience do not allow us to be sanguine
about the possibilities. For as we ponder the reasons for our shortcomings, we invariably
find that the two elements required for progress - viz. political will and financial
resources are always lacking. We then become
caught up in a spirit of mutual reproach and recrimination.
No one bothers of course to pursue the crucial questions, how do we develop
the necessary political will and how can we mobilise the needed resources? We simply move on to another round of
negotiations. Yet there is no gainsaying the
fact that the core questions of political will and resources must be resolved before we
can ever hope to have a breakthrough in development.
Prospects and Possibilities in the era of
Globalisation
10. The
creation of a NGHO has become especially challenging in this new era of globalisation. The realisation that the new North-South,
East-West so called "consensus" which has emerged in respect of development and
governance, the roles of the state and the market and sustainable environmentalism, has
highlighted the need for such an order since it has generated new social, economic and
political problems perhaps of an un-intended character, complexity and magnitude. These problems have been produced by the
contradictions inherent in the consensus itself and clearly suggest the need for a fresh
examination of the premises on which it is based. However,
the dialectic which currently divides member states in both the philosophy and practice of
development are hardly propitious to finding a common approach to the very complex and
difficult challenge that is development. An
urgent reconciliation of the widely divergent views of the partners on world economic and
social issues is a prerequisite for success in any future negotiations.
Challenges and Responses
11. An important step toward the
creation of a new human order would be, I believe the resolution of the many dramatic
contradictions that have emerged in modern economic thinking. In the socio economic sphere for example, the
ascendancy of economic liberalism has undoubtedly accentuated inequality at all levels -
within countries, both developed and developing - as well as among countries - North and
South, East and West. Individualism and
materialism are extolled at the expense of social and human values. And while the international community says it is
committed to the reduction of poverty, national and international policies do not as yet
reflect this commitment.
Increasing
Inequalities
12. As Dr. Jagan asserted in pleading
the case for the New Global Human Order, the absolute population living in poverty in both
the South and North, is increasing. Economic
growth and unprecedented technological progress and efficiency have been ironically, the
harbingers of greater unemployment and declining human welfare. Attempts at preserving the physical environment
increasingly vitiate efforts to sustain human development, while rhetoric of poverty
reduction has not led to any significant commitment to the higher ideal of humanism. The much touted "equality of
opportunity" is proving to be no more
than a mask for economic Darwinism. At the
same time, the freedoms expected form healthy competition under private enterprise are
being rapidly restrained by the controlling hand of powerful conglomerates.
The Consequences of Democracy and
Liberalisation
13.
In the political arena, we cannot help but note that the
ascendancy of democracy often means, not greater people participation and consensus, but
the rule of the powerful and its manipulation of the majority. Democracy is some places increasingly a cloak for
government by oligarchy often going hand in
hand with the rise of racism and ethnic conflicts, minority disaffirmation, regional
fragmentation and strident nationalism. Though
often practised at the national level, the virtues of democracy are still notably absent
in the wider community of nations, creating isolationism among the rich, rather than
solidarity among humankind. The proponents of
globalisation and trade liberalisation will of course argue differently since they are
convinced that the free market will remedy the imbalance in world economic growth and that
as it swells, all boats will rise with the tide.
The Cost of Conflict
14. Another
contradiction that must be resolved if a new dispensation is to be achieved is that which
persists between the United Nations Agenda for Peace and the Agenda for Development. Instead of the Peace Dividend which Dr. Jagan had
expected to accrue from the ending of the Cold War, we are faced with continuing
investment in arms and armies. With the rapid proliferation of conflict in various
parts of the world and the resulting increase in peace-keeping operations, developing
countries must be concerned that with the astronomical costs for implementing the Agenda
for Peace, the Agenda for Development will be further starved of resources. Clearly, a sensible balance will have to be
struck between these two basic purposes of the organisation. After all, as has been said "Peace is but
another name for Development." New
approaches must therefore be developed to strengthen the indissoluble link between
development and peace so that they are made mutually reinforcing and symbiotic.
Differing Perspectives of North and South
15. Yet another obstacle to change is
the wide disparity which continues to prevail, not only in the economic and social
conditions of the developed and developing countries but also in their perspectives on
development policy. An example of this is seen in the current debate on ODA in which the
South continues to argue that aid is necessary to its development while the North sees it
as wasteful and wasted. While both the
develop and the developing countries may use the same words to refer to these challenges,
very often they do not mean the same things. As
far as the North is concerned globalisation is the prescribed panacea for all economic
ills, while the South sees it as a threat of further marginalisation from the global
economy. Another buzz-word which evokes
different meanings as well as passions depending on - who uses it is governance; coming
from the North, the word smacks of conditionality, while the South prefers to see it as
good government through capacity-building. Similarly
divisive are the fashionable labels of human rights, human security and humanitarian
intervention which though seemingly clear at first blush, develop sinister connotations as
the exchange continues. The list goes on. Even the word "order" which we have used
to describe our initiative has been known in the past to be highly inflammatory. The mere
mention of any kind of order was sufficient to produce a severe allergic reaction in some
quarters leading them to automatically reject such concepts as the New International
Economic Order and the New International Information Order.
Indications of Changing Attitudes and Circumstances
16. Happily,
it would seem that at the start of the twenty-first century and this new millennium, there
is a greater tolerance for the concept of Order. Witness
the many statements heard recently at both the Millennium Summit and in the Millennium
Assembly's plenary debate in which some reference was made to the need for enlightened
global arrangements. More surprisingly, as I
remarked in my introduction to the Resolution, the calls for such an order came not only
from developing countries, but also from developed countries. I had at hand
the clipping from the International Herald Tribune of September 7, 2000
entitled Progressive Equation: Globalisation
and Welfare and featuring a letter signed by the distinguished leaders of four important
European States, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Sweden and Germany in which they stated inter alia that
…."we
believe that there is an emerging consensus on the right framework to build a global order
based on equal worth and social fairness …. ."
…."We
are committed to a new international social compact.
We recognize that in an increasingly interdependent world the aims of wider
prosperity and a strengthening of civil society cannot be pursued within the nation-state
alone… ." and finally that
…"the
key to development is to establish a virtuous circle between laudable aims and too often
are pursued in isolation - debt relief, conflict prevention, trade promotion, educational
and health investment, environmental enhancement….."
17. As you will note, these sentiments
are not dissimilar form those embodied in Dr. Jagan's proposal for a New Global Human
Order. They are indicative, in my view, of a burgeoning sense of enlightened
multilateralism which accepts the fact that the new global challenges – whether they
be to our security, our development, or health, our environment – and indeed our
survival – demand global responses and solution.
No state - no matter how strong
and powerful – can now hope to address successfully these pervasive problems on its
own. All are forced to rely in large measure
on international cooperation to resolve their difficulties.
However, such is often the arrogance of power, that this truth is not easily
accepted, making difficult the search for common solutions to our common problems. Thus while it has become fashionable at the United
Nations to speak of interdependence and partnership, this is still more lip service than
genuine commitment to these noble ideals.
Recognition
of the Role/Limitations of the UN
18. It is important to recognise that
the United Nations as an organsiation cannot be blamed for these shortcomings. As a former Secretary General, Dag Hammarskjold
reminded us the organisation is not some abstract painting, but something which we
ourselves have drawn. The United Nations can
be no more than what the Member States wish it to be.
It is still not a supranational body but an intergovernmental one now
containing 188 Member States each one, of which may have a different opinion and approach
on any given issue. No wonder therefore that
any new initiative, no matter how well intentioned is easily advanced. One must therefore take great pains to
assure as we have done with the NGHO that the initiative is an honest and serious attempt
to find common ground on which future international cooperation can be established for the
benefit of all. We have also been careful to
explain that it is not intended to conflict with other initiatives and proposals already
in existence and currently being pursued. Rather, it should be considered as a
complementary device for facilitating consensus.
Scope and Thrust of the Proposal –
Reform of the International Status Quo
19. Nor should it be forgotten, as we
advance our campaign, that the New Global Human Order is not merely a philosophical
concept but a practical agenda for development, which in the eyes of many is so far
reaching as to threaten the stakeholders of the prevailing status quo. Among these proposals are, as you may know, a
comprehensive and definitive solution to the debt problem; the fashioning of a new ODA
policy; the mobilization of new and additional resources for development; the
strengthening and - if necessary - the reshaping of global institutions; the development
of a more central role for the United Nations in global economic policy making; and a
review of the role of the Bretton Woods Institutions and the WTO to focus more on human
development. Although, by no means extreme, such measures are essential
if the Agenda for Development is to be successfully implemented. Yet, as we are now painfully aware, every effort
thus far to go in these directions has been resisted by the powers that be.
20. Given this historical opposition,
it was not surprising that despite their adherence to the consensus adoption to the
resolution on the NGHO some developed countries have not hesitated to express the view
that the Guyana initiative brings no added value to the ongoing development dialogue and
that worse yet, could possibly duplicate or even conflict with current processes such as
the implementation of the Millenium Declaration. While
we cannot be averse to criticism, we find the comments to rather self-serving. In the first place, by agreeing to a resumption of
the debate on the item at the 57th UNGA, there is certain no risk of
interference with the existing agenda. And in
any case, our proposal is more comprehensive and fundamental than the previous enterprises
and can be considered a safety valve for a return to dialogue and negotiations if or when
present efforts falter or fail. Furthermore
the criticism seems to be a case of applying double standards.
21.
Take for example, Dr. Jagan’s proposal for the
creation of a modern and enhanced version of the Marshall Plan to assist developing
countries to reach the threshold of self reliance and to be able to enter the global
economy. The Marshall Plan, it may be
recalled was motivated not only by strategic considerations but by a sense of morality to
provide for the reconstruction of post World War II Europe.
If we were to revisit the speech which the then Secretary of State Marshall
made at Harvard University in June 1947, we cannot fail to note his declared altruism quote "Our policy is directed not against
anyone country or doctrine but against hunger, poverty and chaos. Its purpose should be the revival of a working
economy in the world so as to permit the emergence of political and social conditions in
which free institutions can exist. Such
assistance, I am convinced must not be on a piece-meal basis as various crises
develop" end of quote. Well, the NGHO is no different in its purpose
which is simply to redress the grave disparities which exist been the North and the South
and are the source of poverty and social misery prevailing in most of the developing world
and even in some parts of the developing.
The
Way Ahead - Propagandisation of the New Global Human Order.
22. In the face of the various
difficulties to which I have alluded of one may many legitimately ask: how do we advance
the establishment of the New Global Human Order? How
do we find the political will to energise our efforts to create a new development paradigm
for the twenty-first century? As I stated at
the outset, it is our hope, now that the Resolution has been adopted, member states
particularly the developing countries, will make their voices heard on the need for a new
Order. Such mobilisation will not be
automatic and will have to be generated through a well mounted campaign to encourage
progressive and like-minded states to unite in the effort to forge a new and more
equitable partnership between the developed and developing countries. This will entail continuing work by the various
Circles of Friends which have now been formed to promote the New Global Human Order as
well as others in civil society, including relevant non-governmental organisations,
academia and the private sector, to research and popularise the proposals inherent in the
concept. Only by such thorough study and
promotion can we hope to persuade the international community of the virtues of a New
Global Human Order.
23. In this process, I see a pivotal
role for the Cheddi Jagan Research Centre whose raison d' être, I believe, is to keep
alive the vision of the man whose name and legacy it was created to honour. Out of this cooperative endeavour should come
material with which to resume consideration of the proposal at the 57th session
of the United Nations General Assembly. The
lineaments of a New Global Human Order already exist in the United Nations Charter. We
need only to build on this structure to ensure that the Organisation works in the way that the founders intended. Clearly it would be naïve and even foolish to
believe that this proposal can come into existence overnight. Its creation will require not only strong
commitment to the principles and purposes of multilateralism, but also dedication and
patience in translating them into reality.
24. As
the famous statesman – or perhaps I should say infamous – Machiavelli said in
his classic work: In Principe –
"There is nothing more difficult to take in hand, more perilous to conduct, or more
uncertain in its success than to take the lead in the introduction of a new order of
things……” One cannot therefore expect the road ahead to be easy. For apart from the vested interests of the rich
and powerful in the prevailing order, one must remember that consensus and change do not
come easily to the United Nations. Lest we
discouraged, however, we must remember when the small nation of Malta put the proposal for
Law of the Sea to the international community, many years were spent in seemingly endless
negotiations. Yet today we have a legal
regime governing one of the most important areas of international cooperation. So with the NGHO, one must be prepared for a
lenghty campaign. As our Chinese friends
remind us – even the longest journey begins with the first step. And that we have now taken
I thank you.