(The following is the text of a talk by Janet Jagan, General
Secretary of the PPP in 1961 and first appeared in the "Thunder" of 22 July,
1961)
As General Secretary of the People's Progressive Party I have been asked to speak to
you on the contribution which the PPP has made to the development and welfare of this
country, what the Party stands for, and in what direction it is heading.
The People's Progressive Party, without a doubt, is the most discussed political party
in the Caribbean and has been for the past decade the most notable political organisation
in this area. Its activities and policies, the statements of its leaders have all been
analysed and misrepresented since the Party was first organised.
Balanced against this harsh criticism and the barrage of hate and slander is the other
side of the scale which contains devoted members and supporters who have voted the Party
into office in the only two elections we have had under universal adult suffrage.
The question often asked by those who read the biased press reports and who listen to
the hysterical utterances of the Opposition is - how is it that the PPP continues to
maintain the support which has gained it victory in two major elections?
Of course, the answers most often heard are the ones slandering you - they say you are
ignorant, that you know no better; they say the PPP has support only among the uneducated,
the PPP fools the people. But how reliable are answers like these? Are the poor ignorant?
Are they fools? We do not think so. We know that the strength of the PPP lies in a number
of facts and reasons. Let me outline a few of them to you.
First of all, the PPP is the oldest political party facing the elections. As a Party
its policy and programme and its leaders are well known. They are tried and tested, and in
the test have come out with flying colours.
The policy of the PPP which is today being so much discussed, praised and attacked is
nothing new to the members and supporters of the Party who voted us into office in 1953
and again in 1957 on the basis of an election manifesto which had already set out the
Party's stand on such issues as independence, land reform and dual control of schools.
Through an intensive programme of political education, the majority of people have well
understood the Party's chief aim of achieving independence and the reason for this. Let me
read you a portion of our 1953 election manifesto:
"So long as a country is a colony therefore the problems arising in it will always
be solved in a way suitable to imperialism. Only with independence will the establishment
of socialism in our country be possible. From which it follows that only political and
economic independence from imperialism will create the conditions necessary for really
progressive development in any colony.".
Another important factor is, of course, that the policy and activities of the PPP come
from you, the people, and are not thrust upon you as is the case with recently-formed
political parties, which spring up like mushrooms soon after election dates are announced,
and die as rapidly after the last vote is counted.
In other words, the people's confidence is built on many things, long association,
wholesome and honest dealings with people, the fact that the PPP and its leadership always
move among and with the people and is never divorced from their daily life and work. One
might say - "delivering the goods", to use a slang.
By this I mean that during the last four years, in spite of working under a colonial
constitution and suffering a number of setbacks, the record of achievement is phenomenal.
There is no record of any other term of office in British Guiana equal to that of the past
four years in terms of positive achievement. Under the guidance of the PPP the country has
been put on the map and is at last moving.
On the economic level production has increased by leaps and bounds. Last year the total
value of the country's production reached the all-time record figure of $240 million. New
markets for our produce have been found.
Exports last year totalled $120 million - also an all-time record. Cooperative
development and the allocation of an additional hundred thousand acres of land have
further stimulated a rapidly expanding economy.
This expansion in the economy has benefited everyone, creating new jobs not only in
the country but also in the towns. New investments have entered British Guiana, and
massive technical and financial assistance has been obtained. The United Nations is
helping us more than it is helping any of the other British Caribbean territories, to give
one example.
I cannot, in this broadcast, deal in detail with the many changes and improvements
which this country has seen in the last four years, but all of us cannot help realising
that there has been a strong injection of new life and vigour, with the result that this
country is being pulled out of the mud in which it has been stuck for over a century.
But let me, at this stage, take you back to the origins of the People's Progressive
Party, and briefly trace developments from January 1950 when it was born. There were
efforts to form political parties before the coming of the PPP, but as we know from
history, they were short-lived.
The establishment of a stable, permanent political party was itself one of the greatest
contributions which the PPP made to this country. This meant a great change in the concept
of politics to the Guianese people. For politics as it had been was the politics of the
individual - favours, bribery, neglect of the masses and their divorce from political life
after elections.
We know that the politician before the PPP was born was interested in the electorate
only at election time. In fact, remnants of that still exist today on the political level,
but I predict that this is the last general election at which the old time politics will
survive.
The voters used to be the means of leaping into the Legislative Council with all its
grand possibilities of personal and economic benefits and social advancement. They were
never a means of achieving any particular socially desirable policy. But with the
emergence of the PPP, political activity became not a vehicle for personal gain by a few
but a means of improving the lot of the many, particularly the poor and under-privileged.
The PPP was not organised to fight any particular election It was born three years
after an election and three years before another. It was formed to mobilize the Guianese
people to fight in an organised and methodical way for an end to colonial rule, against
oppression, and for popular rights It patterned its structure after that of known
political parties. It wrote a constitution which made certain that the party was
democratically run, that the mass of the members would have the highest and ultimate voice
in electing its leaders and formulating its policy. This right was vested in its annual
conference of members.
The major task of the newly formed PPP was to educate the workers and farmers, to make
them aware of the country's problems and the way to fight for a better life and the
unification of the people for this struggle. The methods used then were new. They are now
so much a part of our life that we somehow take them for granted and forget that much was
originated in British Guiana by the PPP.
Public meetings, not just at election time, but systematically up and down the country,
week in and week out, were started. The political education of the people of British
Guiana began, It was an awakening from a slumber. These were indeed great changes,
welcomed by many, hated by those who wanted you to remain quiet, subservient, ignorant and
asleep politically.
But perhaps one of the most controversial of the activities of the PPP was its politics
of protest, which we know succeeded in forcing a number of urgently needed changes in this
country.
British Guiana had from time to time over the years experienced protests of various
kinds. We read accounts of the early period of colonisation; when the Berbice slaves
revolted in 1763 against inhuman conditions; of the East Coast slave rebellion sparked off
by Reverend John Smith; and of the various revolts of sugar workers at Ruimveldt, Leonora
and Enmore.
Those were explosions, like spontaneous combustion. They had to happen. They were
unplanned, unorganised. They were the inevitable results of terrible and cruel conditions
These were in a sense, protests, but were greater than protests; they were really revolts.
But at no time in British Guiana had any group of people sat down to examine the
problems to see how best they could be corrected. This the PPP did. The PPP began a
systematic attack on the first evil - colonialism. This organised protest against
colonialism and for independence of the country, as we know, has been a successful
assault.
Today because of the tenacity and persistence of the PPP we stand on the threshold of
independence. We stand there entirely through the efforts of the PPP, and not through
those of the weaklings who fell out when the going became too hot and the pressure too
painful and who now, when the persecution and hard work are nearly over, start to sing the
song of independence.
Independence for British Guiana will not be won by the efforts of the half-hearted, who
only today have the courage to mention the word which was once almost taboo in British
Guiana. I could name a few who almost once fainted at the thought, and who are now boldly
talking about "when independence comes." But let me not trouble you with them
now.
This organised protest against colonialism has included many other points of protest
which result from the very nature of colonialism. I refer to the walls of privilege which
we have been hammering against for over a decade.
One group, one privileged group, has always ruled in this country-ruled with an iron
hand the political, economic and social life of the country. This group has fostered
godfatherism and favours, it has held back progress, and it has restricted democratic
rights. It was against the bastion of privilege, this almost insurmountable fortress, the
PPP had to struggle. This, of course, brought forth the total venom of the same privileged
clique who controlled the press. What right had the PPP to question who owned the press,
to criticise the big sugar interest for piling up profits year in and year out and keeping
their workers in bondage? What right had the PPP to suggest a democratic constitution
which would not allow the privileged to continue to control the Legislature and the
Executive? What right had the PPP to suggest universal adult suffrage, the giving of votes
to the masses? These were the questions which the privileged group asked. And when the PPP
won a massive victory in 1953 and swept out the old brigade they immediately used all
their influence to nullify the democratic vote of the electorate.
The suspension of the constitution in 1953 will forever be a blot on the British
Government which made the mistake of listening to their former advisers who had long lost
contact with reality. The Interim Government was a return to power of the privileged
classes, with many willing and ready puppets to do the dirty work.
Through the years of the PPP's fight to end the age of privilege, great strides have
been made.
Paternalism, the handing out of charity to the workers is ending, and through the
militant spirit built up by the PPP, workers are no longer begging with cap in hand for
their rights; they are demanding their rights. The best jobs in Government and big
business are no longer restricted to those of light colour skin as in the days of old.
Some who oppose us have benefited from this change but choose conveniently to forget how
it came about.
The pressure from the agitation of the PPP has brought about Guianisation in the fields
of government service, business and industry. The control of boards and committees is no
longer in the bands of the privileged and their friends. Ordinary farmers, workers, school
teachers and others today sit on these once exalted seats.
Bad habits acquired by decades of British rule and the imitation of these habits and
customs are being changed. Art and culture, formerly almost wholly imitative and the
preserve of the privileged few, is shifting to a most distinctive Guianese influence. The
sole ambition of most parents has been to educate their children for white collar jobs.
Built on a false sense of values created by the misconception that the importee did not do
manual work, there is now a battle going on to shift the emphasis in education to the
technical, professional and highly skilled which will help build the nation of the future.
Through the influence of the PPP, there has been a gradual move away from these old, false
values.
Only with the PPP in control of an independent Guiana will the death knell of
exploitation, poverty and social injustice be heard.
© 2001 Janet Jagan