A Kennedy-C.I.A. Plot Returns to Haunt Clinton
By TIM WEINER October 30, 1994
WASHINGTON
-- It was a small clandestine operation in a little South American
country three decades ago. President Kennedy ordered the Central
Intelligence Agency to subvert the country's leader. The leader fell,
and the C.I.A.'s men quietly left town. Time passed, and the wheels of
history turned. The cold war ended, and with its end the fallen leader
was elected President of what is now independent Guyana. United States
law says it is time to unseal the secret documents that detail Kennedy's
plot against him.
But State Department and C.I.A. officials refuse to release them, saying
it is not worth the embarrassment.
Keeping secrets can cause embarrassment too.
In June the Clinton Administration prepared to send a new Ambassador to
the little country -- apparently unaware that the prospective nominee
had helped to undermine the restored leader.
The events of 30 years ago may be filed and
forgotten in Washington; they are fresh in the memory of those who lived
through them.
The story begins in 1953, when British
Guiana, an English-speaking colony peopled by the descendants of slaves
and laborers from Africa and India, elected its first native-born Prime
Minister: Cheddi Jagan, a son of the colonial plantations, an
American-educated dentist and an admirer of the works of Karl Marx.
Four months later, Churchill suspended
British Guiana's Constitution and ordered its Government dissolved. Dr.
Jagan was too leftist for Churchill's taste, though the people of
British Guiana liked him.
Dr. Jagan and his wife, the former Janet
Rosenberg of Chicago, were freed from jail after the British restored
constitutional government, and he was re-elected in 1957 and 1961.
The latter year saw Kennedy's disastrous Bay
of Pigs invasion, aimed at overthrowing Cuba's leader, Fidel Castro. A
newspaper cartoon of the day depicted a double-barrel shotgun aimed at
the United States. One barrel was labeled "Cuba," the other "British
Guiana."
On Oct. 25, 1961, Prime Minister Jagan went
to the White House, seeking financial aid and offering assurances. "I
went to see President Kennedy to seek the help of the United States, and
to seek his support for our independence from the British," he said in a
recent interview. "He was very charming and jovial. Now, the United
States feared that I would give Guyana to the Russians. I said if this
is your fear, fear not. We will not have a Soviet base. I raised the
question of aid. They did not give a positive response. The meeting
ended on this note."
The meeting was recorded by the historian
Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. in "A Thousand Days," his memoir of the
Kennedy White House. "Jagan was unquestionably some sort of a Marxist,"
he wrote, but also "plainly the most popular leader in British Guiana,"
adding, "The question was whether he was recoverable for democracy."
Another question was whether he and his nation of 600,000 represented a
threat to the United States.
Kennedy told Dr. Jagan that United States
policy toward his country was clear: "National independence. This is the
basic thing. As long as you do that, we don't care whether you are
socialist, capitalist, pragmatist or whatever. We regard ourselves as
pragmatists." A joint statement was issued, committing Dr. Jagan "to
uphold the political freedoms" that were his inheritance.
After Dr. Jagan left Washington, Kennedy met
in secret with his top national security officers. A pragmatic plan took
shape.
Still-classified documents depict in unusual detail a direct order from
the President to unseat Dr. Jagan, say Government officials familiar
with the secret papers.
Though many Presidents have ordered the C.I.A.
to undermine foreign leaders, they say, the Jagan papers are a rare
smoking gun: a clear written record, without veiled words or plausible
denials, of a President's command to depose a Prime Minister.
In short order, things started going badly for British Guiana.
"It was after the meeting with Kennedy that
the cold war heated up here," recalled Janet Jagan, then a minister in
her husband's Government.
Previously unheard-of radio stations went on
the air in the capital, Georgetown. The papers printed false stories
about approaching Cuban warships. Civil servants walked out. The labor
unions revolted. Riots took the lives of more than 100 people.
The key was the unions, whose rebellion crippled the Government and the
economy. And the unions were taking advice and money from an interesting
assortment of American organizations.
Among them, say the Jagans and historians
familiar with the events, was the American Institute for Free Labor
Development, headed by a labor official named William C. Doherty Jr.
The institute, an international program run
by the A.F.L.-C.I.O., long has aided anti-Communist unions abroad. In
the 1950's and early 1960's, former United States intelligence officers
say, the C.I.A. slipped money to the institute. The ties between the
agency and the institute have long since been severed.
The agitation grew throughout 1962 and 1963.
"A fire was set in the center of town," Dr. Jagan said. "The wind fanned
the flames, and the center of the city burned. There are still scars.
Then they changed their tactics. This is where the C.I.A. support came
in full. They imposed a full blockade on shipping and airlines. We were
helpless. We had no power."
The British, at the suggestion of the Kennedy
Administration, delayed their colony's scheduled independence and
changed its electoral system in October 1963. Now the electorate had to
vote for parties instead of people, and a still popular but politically
weakened Dr. Jagan fell from power. Once he fell, the British granted
independence to the new republic of Guyana.
For the next 20 years the country was
governed by Forbes Burnham -- "as the British described him, an
opportunist, racist and demagogue intent only on personal power," to
quote from "A Thousand Days." He held power through force and fraud
until his death in 1985.
He ran up a foreign debt of more than $2
billion, a sum more than five times Guyana's gross domestic product.
Interest on that debt now consumes 80 percent of the country's revenue
and more than half of its foreign earnings.
"They made a mistake putting Burnham in,"
Janet Jagan said. "The regrettable part is that the country went
backwards." One of the better-off countries in the region 30 years ago,
Guyana today is among the poorest. Its principal export is people.
In 1992, in the country's first free
elections in three decades, Dr. Jagan was elected President. In June of
this year, unaware of the still-classified Kennedy-Jagan documents, the
Clinton Administration prepared to nominate a new Ambassador to Guyana:
William C. Doherty Jr., executive director of the American Institute for
Free Labor Development.
"I was flabbergasted," President Jagan said.
"We let it be known that we were not happy." His unhappiness derailed
plans to nominate Doherty, who has declined several requests for an
interview.
Dr. Jagan said the documents about the plot
against him should be published, and he laughed at the idea that they
might anger him or embarrass the United States.
"Everybody in Guyana knows what happened," he
said. "I don't understand why they should be kept secret. I'm not going
to use these documents to blackmail the United States. Maybe President
Clinton doesn't know our history, but the people who advise him should
at least know their own history."
The law demands the declassification of
Government papers after 30 years, unless they compromise national
security secrets. Dozens of Kennedy Administration documents on British
Guiana remain locked away, and the State Department and the C.I.A. say
they should stay that way.
Another volume dealing with Japan is in
limbo, because it details the Kennedy Administration's secret support
for Japanese conservatives, Government officials said. If either set is
blocked, it would a first. No full volume of the State Department's
foreign policy documents has ever been withheld because of Government
secrecy.
Schlesinger, whose "Thousand Days" offers the
best-known account of the Kennedy-Jagan encounter -- an account that he
now acknowledges is incomplete -- said the documents should be released,
so history can be revised.
"We misunderstood the whole struggle
down there," Schlesinger said. "He wasn't a Communist. The British
thought we were overreacting, and indeed we were. The C.I.A. decided
this was some great menace, and they got the bit between their teeth.
But even if British Guiana had gone Communist, it's hard to see how it
would be a threat."
The full story, he said, proved the truth of Oscar Wilde's
witticism: "The one duty we owe to history is to rewrite it."
Great Memories of
Cheddi and Janet Jagan
by OSCAR JAMES 31 March
2011
OVER the past months I
have been reading and seeing comments made by a columnist from the
Kaieteur News and former supporters of the PPP/C.
Most of them indulge in
criticising the party and the Jagans out of a sense of disappointment of
not being able to get more out of the party and the government. I
remember well one of them who was a director or chairman of the
Electricity Corporation running away from Freedom House while it was
being attacked in 1962. He ended up in Canada and returned to Guyana in
1992. He claimed he made sacrifices but lots of comrades made sacrifices
too.
Some comrades felt the
heavy hands of the previous regime, some lost their jobs, some were
detained and imprisoned and some even lost their lives because they were
Afro-Guyanese and supporters of the PPP. The Fords, Edwardses, Holders,
Gonsalves, Shepherds, Campbells, Browns, Burgesses, McLeans and
Fernandes, just to name a few.
Let me not dwell too much
on that part of my letter but let me write on some things of the Jagans
that I know:
I was 13 years old when I
first came into contact with Cheddi and Janet Jagan in 1953. My father
used to give me sets of magazines (China Reconstruction) to take to
Cheddi for him to distribute to members of the party.
I wonder if these critics
know of the time in the late 1940s when Cheddi was refused entry on the
upper deck of the McKenzie steamer and Janet came down to the bottom so
that she could be with her husband.
Do they know of the many
times during the 60s and 70s when he picked up children going to school
on Lamaha Street on his way to Freedom House?
Do they know of the time
when the British troops raided Thunder Newspaper Office and as Janet
Jagan approached the building a British soldier challenged her, bayonet
at ready to her chest, and she continued to advance to the building
until she was arrested?
Do they know when Cheddi
was jailed for six months hard labour and crowds would gather and sing
the party song ‘Oh Fighting Men’ until the police fired tear gas at us?
Do they know the number of
small businessmen Dr Cheddi helped to start their own businesses?
Janet and Cheddi paid
visits to several long yards in the city from Kingston, Lacytown, Werk-en-Rust,
Charlestown, etc encouraging parents to send their children to school.
They both assisted in preparing breakfast and bathing the children.
There is a certain long
yard in Charlotte Street between Camp and Wellington Streets, which had
two big buildings in the front part and two range houses, which had 10
rooms (as much as eight persons lived in a room), six outdoor kitchens
were provided as well as three toilets and three baths for the tenants.
These were the conditions
he met the poor living under when he returned home and he fought against
it.
From this same long yard
was produced several seamen, two photographers, three land surveyors,
one electrical foreman, director of prisons and a professor of
mathematics.
Do you know that in the
1940s – 1950s the City Council had employed women to break bricks for
the building of roads? Janet paid a visit to these women and fought
tooth and nail for this practice to stop, which eventually did.
Cheddi only saw the good
in people; I believed a saint walked among us.
I have written this letter
hoping for it to be published in your newspaper (Chronicle). I am not a
scholarly person as I only attended class up to third standard. I am not
gifted with the intelligence of these gentlemen, who write and try to
distort and demonise the memories of the Jagans. To them I say look into
your hearts and seek forgiveness, for forgiveness is there.